She Preferred “Wilma” to “Chieftaness”
By ANNIE ATURA
April 21, 2010
Wilma Mankiller was not unaware of the satirical possibilities of her surname. In a 1993 speech at Sweet Briar College, she quipped, “I told [my driver] it was a nickname, and I’d earned it. So I’m sure there’s some yuppie somewhere still wondering what I did to earn my last name.” It takes a certain kind of person to ironically repeat the stereotypes about one’s own race and gender, and then take no special pains to be politically correct oneself, about the “yuppie” bourgeoisie. Mankiller was intrepid.
The first female chieftain of the Cherokee nation, Wilma Mankiller died on April 6, still stoutheartedly engaging with – and amiably mocking – the assumptions made about her gender, culture, and social values. She served as Chief from 1985 to 1995, when serious health problems forced her into retirement. Perhaps because of her self-imposed outsider status, Mankiller made no bones about her sense of humor. And perhaps because she refused to take her own history too seriously, she succeeded in convincing the overwhelming majority of Cherokee constituents that a complicated past would not adversely affect her leadership capabilities.
Mankiller’s recent death reminds us of the complicated stance that victims are forced to assume in light of their collective setbacks. Mankiller assumed control of her tribe while it was in the midst of serious internal issues, and she dealt with those issues by both recognizing their historical basis and insisting that they be actively addressed. Her sense of humor echoed that double sensibility: she played on racial and sexual undertones while refusing to admit the legitimacy of prejudice.
The origin of “Mankiller” is not as far from its intuitive meaning as one might think: the name denotes her ancestor’s tribal position as a soldier of sorts, the man responsible for the physical protection of the tribe on a daily basis. Ms. Mankiller explained, “When we lived here in the Southeast, we lived in semi-autonomous villages, and there was someone who watched over the village, who had the title of ‘mankiller.’” It is appropriate, then, that she herself should assume a protective role for her tribe.
Despite her promising last name, however, Mankiller’s suitability for a tribal leadership position was not particularly apparent during the first 35 years of her life. Her mother, Clara Irene Sitton, was a Dutch and Irish woman who had chosen to integrate herself into the Cherokee community, and Mankiller was the sixth of her eleven children. When Mankiller was eleven, the family moved from its plot of allotment lands in Oklahoma to a house in San Francisco under the Indian Relocation Program. Mankiller completed her high school education there and married at seventeen. She had two daughters with her husband, Hugo Olaya, a student from Ecuador. They moved to Oakland, and Mankiller decided to attend junior college at what was then San Francisco State College. She became involved with the San Francisco Indian Center. As an active member of that organization, she participated in the occupation of Alcatraz in 1969, in which Native Americans took over the former prison, claiming that its status as surplus federal property rendered it properly Native Americans’ under the 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie. The occupation lasted for a full 19 months before it was forcibly quelled by the federal government.
Mankiller divorced Olaya in 1977 and moved back to Oklahoma with her two daughters in hopes of reconnecting with her tribe. She remarried to a staunch Cherokee traditionalist, Charlie Lee Soap, in 1986. The two moved back to Mankiller’s ancestral lands. She was elected as Deputy Chief for Ross Swimmer. When he chose to step down to become head of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1985, she assumed the position of Chief. She was elected in her own right in 1987, and was reelected in 1991, when she received 83% of the popular vote. Though Mankiller received death threats and tire slashings during her campaign, there is no evidence that Mankiller’s personal life actively affected her judgment; her two-time landslide election seems to indicate that the Cherokee citizens also believed that to be the case.
At the heart of Mankiller’s political philosophy lay the conviction that a community should take responsibility for itself. After moving back to Oklahoma and taking on a low-level job in the Cherokee government, she began a project to bring fresh water to the community. The Bell Water and Housing Project put every participating family in charge of funding and installing one mile of water pipeline. Its success contributed to the choice to elect her as Deputy and, in time, Chief. The project was in keeping with her general philosophy: that Native Americans should, as she often said, “solve their own economic problems.” Mankiller made good on those words. In 1990, she signed a bill that placed the Cherokee Nation in charge of national funds previously administered on their behalf by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. She also improved the infrastructure of the community by improving the judicial, criminal, taxation, and education systems. In a statement honoring her memory, Obama praised Mankiller’s improvement of the “Nation-to-Nation relationship between the Cherokee Nation and the Federal Government.” Mankiller championed the full agency of Native Americans, and of all women, by demonstrating their ability to care for themselves.
Despite her personal experience with racism and predatory governmental policy, Mankiller eschewed unsympathetic attacks on the oppressor. Instead, she focused her energies on active education. In her editor’s note in The Reader’s Companion to U.S. Women’s History she writes, “Even the most committed feminist scholars knew little about contemporary Native American women or our history. But then who can blame them when Native American people, women in particular, are not even a blip on the national screen? Because there is so little accurate information about Native American women in either educational institutions or the popular culture, stereotypes are pervasive.”
Mankiller was aware of her unique role in history. “Prior to my election, young Cherokee girls would never have thought that they might grow up and become chief,” she proudly asserted. But she was also aware of the ways in which she constituted a perfectly unremarkable continuation of the Cherokee tradition. “In some tribes women have held and still hold powerful leadership positions,” she wrote in The Reader’s Companion. Mankiller described how the Cherokee had sent tutors to Mount Holyoke to prepare them for educating girls at home after an Indian relocation in 1839, establishing education for Native American women even as it was denied to white ones.
Mankiller did not shy away from her past or identity any more than she cited it as the foundation of her perspicacity. She did not represent herself in a masculine or gender-neutral light; rather she embraced her gender heritage only when appropriate, as when she described the process of writing a book with other women to “weaving a communal basket.”
She was unafraid of appearing weak. She prized none of the trappings of chiefdom that related to ritualized hierarchy. “At home I can think of very, very few people who call me ‘Chief;’ most people just call me Wilma, and that’s how I ask people to address me,” she said. She attributed a great deal of her own fearlessness to her extraordinary health hurdles. In 1979, she was in a near-fatal car accident, and she suffered myasthenia gravis, kidney problems (which led to a transplant), breast cancer, and lymphoma.
The Cherokee only achieved the right to elect their own chief in 1971 – prior to that time the Chief was a US government appointee chosen for his amenability to federal interests. It is telling that one of the tribe’s first self-appointed leaders was a woman, who had described the powerful Indian Center in San Francisco as a place for “sort of refugees,” and who had taught herself to work as a paralegal even though nobody she knew went to college. It was only “[a]bsolute faith and confidence in our own people and our own ability to solve our own problems” that accounted for her interest in government, and that same innate drive for improvement– rather than for victimization– led to her political success.
Annie Atura is a junior in Yale College. She is a staff writer for Broad Recognition.



beautifully written annie, thank you for drawing attention to the amazing accomplishments of this woman for which most of the nation is unaware.